Wikipedia

User:Thhhommmasss/sandbox

Ustanovljena po vzoru fašistične španske falange,[1] Ehrlichova Straža, del Katoliške akcije, je pisala: »Fašizem je bil zelo koristen v deželah, kjer je liberalizem krščanske sile v javnem življenju premočno razrahljal in razkrojil.”[2][1] Vzori so jim bili katoliško-obarvani diktaturi Dolfussovih avstrofašistov in Salazarja v Portugaliji,[2] ter marioneta nacistične Nemčije, katoliška Slovaška.[3] Na to je vplivala tudi okrožnica papeža Pija XI. Divini Redemptoris (Božanski Odrešenik, 1937) in podpis konkordatov med Vatikanom in fašistično Italijo ter nacistično Nemčijo, ki sta Cerkvi podelila posebne privilegije, Hitlerju in Mussoliniju pa v zameno priznala legitimnost njunih diktatur.[4] Mnogi člani katoliških mladinskih organizacij, Straža in Mladci Kristusa kralja, so vstopili v kolaborantske vojske, ter jim dale ideološki naboj.[5]

In 1918, newly independent Poland had the largest Jewish population in Europe. Between 1918 and 1921, some 130 pogroms resulted in an estimated 300 Jewish deaths, driven by resentment over their perceived economic power and claims of supporting "Judeo-Bolshevism". Western pressure led to Poland granting Jews equal rights and religious freedoms in its 1921 Constitution. While conditions improved under Józef Piłsudski's rule (1926–1935), antisemitism grew during the Great Depression. Nationalist, like National Democracy ideologue Roman Dmowski, promoted Nazi-style antisemitic propaganda, claiming Poland could not accommodate 3 million Jews, demanding they emigrate.[6]

From 1935 to 1937, anti-Jewish violence killed 79 Jews and injured 500. In 1936, Cardinal Hlond, the Catholic primate of Poland, published a pastoral letter condemning the attacks, but also accused Jews of battling the Church, promoting atheism and communism, corrupting morality, disseminating pornography, and engaging in treachery and usury.[7] The Polish government likewise condemned the violence and sought ways to reduce the Jewish populace through mass emigration, even exploring sending them to Madagascar. In 1938, it stripped Polish citizenship from tens of thousands of Jews living abroad. By the outbreak of WWII in 1939, the government was considering its own version of the Nuremberg Laws.[8]

During the war the Nazis implemented the Holocaust in Poland. They used Polish police and railroad personnel to guard the ghettos and transport Jews. The Blue Police helped enforce German anti-Jewish policies, such as the ghetto liquidations from 1942-1943.[9] Encouraged by Nazi antisemitism, local residents attacked Jews in a number of small towns, as during the 1941 Jedwabne pogrom where several hundred Jews were murdered by their neighbors, and in Gniewczyna Łańcucka in 1942 where residents tortured, raped, and killed dozens of their Jewish neighbors.[9]


Newly independent Poland in 1918 had Europe's largest Jewish population. Between 1918 and 1921, some 130 pogroms took place in Poland, resulting in an estimated 300 Jewish deaths, fueled by resentment of their perceived economic influence and supposed "Judeo-Bolshevism". Due to these atrocities Western powers compelled Poland to safeguard minority rights, leading to Jews being granted equal rights and religious freedoms in the 1921 Constitution. Matters improved under the rule of Józef Piłsudski (1926–1935). However antisemitism strengthened during the Great Depression and following the German-Polish non-aggression pact of 1934, when Nazi-style antisemitic propaganda became more common in Polish politics, led by the nationalist National Democratic movement. Its chief ideologue Roman Dmowski was obsessed with an international conspiracy, linking Jews, Marxism and Freemasons.[6] The Catholic Church also became increasingly hostile to the Jews, who saw them as agents of Bolshevism.[10]

In 1935-1937 79 Jews were killed and 500 injured in anti-Jewish violence (e.g. the Przytyk pogrom).[9] The Polish government condemned the violence, fearing international repercussions, but at the same time sought to reduce the number of Jews by encouraging mass emigration. It embraced close contact with Ze'ev Jabotinsky, the founder Revisionist Zionism, and pursued a policy of supporting the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine.[11] Later the government explored the option of sending Jews to Madagascar. In 1938, it revoked Polish citizenship from tens-of-thousands Polish Jews who lived outside the country for an extended period of time,[12] fearing that many would want to return to Poland to escape anti-Jewish measures in Germany and Austria.[13] When World War II broke out in 1939, the Polish government was actively considering its own version of the Nuremberg Laws.[8]

To implement industrial-scale killing, German authorities utilized Polish police and railroad personnel for logistical support, such as guarding ghettos before deportation. The 20,000-strong "Blue Police" enforced German anti-Jewish policies, including ghetto liquidations from 1942-1943. In 1941 in Jedwabne several hundred Jews were burned alive by their neighbors.[1][2][3] while in Gniewczyna Łańcucka in 1942, residents held, tortured, raped, and ultimately murdered dozens of their Jewish neighbors over several days.

By the time of the German invasion in 1939, antisemitism was escalating, and hostility towards Jews was a mainstay of the right-wing political forces post-Piłsudski regime and also the Catholic Church. Discrimination and violence against Jews had rendered the Polish Jewish population increasingly destitute. Despite the impending threat to the Polish Republic from Nazi Germany, there was little effort seen in the way of reconciliation with Poland's Jewish population. In July 1939 the pro-government Gazeta Polska wrote, "The fact that our relations with the Reich are worsening does not in the least deactivate our program in the Jewish question—there is not and cannot be any common ground between our internal Jewish problem and Poland's relations with the Hitlerite Reich."[14][15] Escalating hostility towards Polish Jews and an official Polish government desire to remove Jews from Poland continued until the German invasion of Poland.[16]

The antisemitic rejection of Jews, whether for religious or racial reasons, caused estrangement and growing tensions between Jews and Poles. It is significant in this regard that in 1921, 74.2% of Polish Jews spoke Yiddish or Hebrew as t heir native language; by 1931, the number had risen to 87%.[17][18][19]

Roman Dmowski, the founder and chief ideologue of the National Democracy (Endecja) in Poland, often ostentatiously demonstrated antisemitism[20]

Besides the persistent effects of the Great Depression, the strengthening of antisemitism in Polish society was also a consequence of the influence of Nazi Germany. Following the German-Polish non-aggression pact of 1934, the antisemitic tropes of Nazi propaganda had become more common in Polish politics, where they were echoed by the National Democratic movement. Its chief ideologue Roman Dmowski was obsessed with an international conspiracy of freemasons and Jews, and in his works linked Marxism with Judaism.[6] The position of the Catholic Church had also become increasingly hostile to the Jews, who in the 1920s and 1930s were increasingly seen as agents of evil, that is, of Bolshevism.[10] Economic instability was mirrored by anti-Jewish sentiment in the press; discrimination, exclusion, and violence at the universities; and the appearance of "anti-Jewish squads" associated with some of the right-wing political parties. These developments contributed to a greater support among the Jewish community for Zionist and socialist ideas.[21]

In 1925, Polish Zionist members of the Sejm capitalized on governmental support for Zionism by negotiating an agreement with the government known as the Ugoda. The Ugoda was an agreement between the Polish prime minister Władysław Grabski and Zionist leaders of Et Liwnot, including Leon Reich. The agreement granted certain cultural and religious rights to Jews in exchange for Jewish support for Polish nationalist interests; however, the Galician Zionists had little to show for their compromise because the Polish government later refused to honor many aspects of the agreement.[22] During the 1930s, Revisionist Zionists viewed the Polish government as an ally and promoted cooperation between Polish Zionists and Polish nationalists, despite the antisemitism of the Polish government.[23]

In 1918, newly independent Poland had the largest Jewish population in Europe. From 1918 to 1921 some 130 pogroms occured on polish territory, with an estimated 300 killed, conceived as reprisals against supposed Jewish economic power and their supposed "Judeo-Bolshevism"[24] The atrocities committed by the young Polish army and its allies in 1919 during their Kiev operation against the Bolsheviks had a profound impact on the foreign perception of the re-emerging Polish state. Concerns over the fate of Poland's Jews led the Western powers to pressure Polish President Paderewski to sign the Minority Protection Treaty (the Little Treaty of Versailles), protecting the rights of minorities in new Poland including Jews and Germans.[25][26][27][28] This in turn resulted in Poland's 1921 March Constitution granting Jews the same legal rights as other citizens and guaranteed them religious tolerance and freedom of religious holidays.[29]

Antisemitism was widespread in political communication and had a strong grip on the deeply Catholic population imbued with feelings of religious anti-Judaism. Jews were accused of being an anti-national force, linked either to the German enemy or to Russian Bolshevism, and were subjected to harsh forms of discrimination. While the Polish Socialist Party was not antisemitic and maintained relations with the Jewish socialist movement, right-wing parties such as Roman Dmowski's National Democracy were a vehicle for antisemitic propaganda. They believed that most Jews were unassimilable and could never become Polish and that Jews were an anti-national force hostile to the Polish cause. Dmowski wrote that "in the character of this race [the Jews] so many different values, strange to our moral constitution and harmful to our life, have accumulated that assimilation with a larger number of Jews would destroy us, replacing with decadent elements those young creative foundations upon which we are building the future".

In the first decade of the second republic, hostility towards Jews by both the authorities and the population found expression in systematic discrimination and widespread antisemitic violence, such as the series of antisemitic outrages that followed the end of World War I, in the context of the Polish–Ukrainian War (1918-1919), in which between 350 and 500 Jews lost their lives. Lwów and other Galician cities were then the scene of pogroms perpetrated both by soldiers and civilians and in 1919 the wave of anti-Jewish violence spread to Polish-controlled Lithuania, hitting Lida, Vilna and Pinsk, where thirty-five Jews, including women and children, were executed by the army.

Also in 1920 the Polish army, allied with the anti-communist Ukrainian government of Symon Petliura, actively participated in the pogroms that targeted the Jewish communities in the course of the Polish–Soviet War. The war between Poland and Russia negatively affected Polish-Jewish relations especially in the ethnically mixed areas east of Poland's heartland, such as eastern Galicia and Lithuania. The Poles were angered by the desire of Jews to maintain a neutral position in the national conflict. Moreover, anti-communist propaganda sought to discredit the postwar revolutionary wave as a primarily Jewish phenomenon, since in Russia and Poland a significant part of the communist leadership was of Jewish origin, and some Jews had openly welcomed the October Revolution. The żydokomuna stereotype, "the new catchphrase of Poland's antisemites", emerged at that time.

The incidents in Pinsk, Vilna and Lwów aroused shock and indignation in Western Europe and the United States, and in May 1919 prompted the US president Woodrow Wilson to set up a commission, led by Henry Morgenthau, to investigate "alleged Polish pogroms" and the "treatment of the Jewish people" in Poland. The resulting Morgenthau Report, issued in October 1919, identified eight major incidents in the years 1918–1919 and estimated the number of victims at between 200 and 300 Jews, including the Lwów pogrom (1918). In Morgenthau's view, the antisemitic attacks were "the chauvinist reaction created by [Poland's] sudden acquisition of a long-coveted freedom" and the consequence of "a widespread anti-Semitic prejudice aggravated by the belief that the Jewish inhabitants were politically hostile to the Polish State".

In interwar Poland, the Jewish population was widely perceived as a complex issue by most political factions, though their approaches varied significantly. Left-leaning parties viewed the Jewish community's distinct cultural identity as problematic and advocated for integration into mainstream Polish society, similar to Western European models. Conversely, right-wing groups considered Jews fundamentally incompatible with Polish culture and potentially dangerous (see also Sanacja). These parties promoted various measures to marginalize the Jewish population, including economic discrimination, encouraging emigration, and in some cases, endorsing violent actions. A minority of liberal politicians, notably including the influential leader Józef Piłsudski, stood out by accepting Jewish citizens without demanding changes to their cultural practices or way of life. This stance, however, was not widely shared among the political elite of the time.

With the coup d'état of Piłsudski the situation of the Polish Jews improved and some concessions were made, such as the recognition of the cheder, the Jewish primary schools, but after the dictator's death, the birth of the Camp of National Unity resumed a conservative agenda full of anti-Jewish hatred.

Some subsequent major events in the life of Polish Jews, in the context of antisemitism in Poland, included:

When World War II broke out in 1939, the Polish government was actively considering its own version of the Nuremberg Laws.

Poland

Romania

Hungary

Baltic States

In Germany, following World War I, Nazism arose as a political movement incorporating racially antisemitic ideas, expressed by Adolf Hitler in his book Mein Kampf. The Nazi's blamed Jews for all of Germany's ills - defeat in WWI, the Versailles Treaty, inflation, the Great Depression, etc. They demonized Jews as the driving force behind both international Marxism and capitalism. After Hitler came to power in 1933, the Nazi regime sought the systematic exclusion of Jews from national life. The Nuremberg Race Laws of 1935 declared that only those of "German or related blood" could be citizens, thus stripping Jews, and later Roma and Black people, of their German citizenship and political rights. The Law for the Protection of German Blood outlawed marriage or sexual relationships between Jews and non-Jews.[30] The Nazis employed mass media propaganda to dehumanize Jews, even depicting them as rats and other vermin. This proved vital in motivating the later extermination of Jews and ensuring the passive consent of millions of bystanders. Mass violence against the Jews was encouraged by the Nazi regime. On the night of 9–10 November 1938, dubbed Kristallnacht, the regime sanctioned the killing of Jews, the destruction of property and the torching of synagogues.[31] Already prior to WWII, German authorities rounded up thousands of Jews for the first concentration camps, while many other German Jews fled the country.

Initially, the Nazis sought to get rid of Jews by forcing them to emigrate, but most countries, including the United States, Great Britain, and France, refused to ease their immigration restrictions to accept more Jews, with racial prejudice playing a major role.[32] In 1940 the Nazis drew up a plan to deport Jews to Madagascar, something France and Poland had also explored before the war, but this proved to be infeasible.

Microsoft Word - 6635.pdf

This was exacerbated by mass production and industrialized agriculture of capitalism, which threatened the livelihood of artisans and peasants. Nationalist politicians blamed Jews for these ills.[33] The influx of Jewish refugees fleeing persecution in Tsarist Russia in the 1880s also fueled antisemitism.[33] In 1887 Austrian nationalist parties, which advocated racist policies against minorities, voted for a bill to restrict the immigration of Russian and Romanian Jews. Similarly, antisemitic political parties in Germany adopted a strong Christian identity and sought to restrict the immigration of Russian Jews, as a first step toward striping all rights from Jews.[34] In 1897, the populist Karl Leuger, became mayor of Vienna, by wielding antisemitism and policies against Slavic minorities as a tool to gain political power and mobilize the masses. Carl Schorske, called this "politics in a new key," characterized by emotion, charismatic leadership, and mass movements, with antisemitism playing a major role, in contrast to the earlier, more rational, parliamentary liberalism.[33] Adolf Hitler, who spent the years 1907-1913 in Vienna, later described Karl Leuger as a major inspiration.[33]

While a new, nationalist antisemitism emerged, traditional Christian antisemitism persisted, in response to the liberalism and equal rights granted to Jews by the French Revolution. Following the defeat of Napoleon, who demolished the walls of the Roman ghetto, the Vatican rebuilt its walls and Jews in the Papal States remained confined to ghettos until the Papal States were abolished in 1870. Also restored were the requirements for Jews to attend conversionary sermons. No schools teaching nonreligious subjects were permitted in the ghetto, and Jewish children were forbidden to attend schools outside its walls. Pius IX, alarmed by the revolutions of 1848, became an inveterate opponent of all modern movements and ideas and, in Kertzer’s words, “helped to give the charge of Jewish ritual murder new respectability” and endorsing a French book that defended the blood libel.

While a new nationalist antisemitism emerged, traditional Christian antisemitism endured, in response to the liberalism and Jewish emancipation by the French Revolution. Following the defeat of Napoleon, who demolished the walls of the Roman ghetto, the Vatican rebuilt its walls and Jews in the Papal states remained confined to overcrowded, squalid ghettos, until the Papal States were abolished in 1870. Jews were again required to attend conversionary sermons. If a Jew wanted to convert, police were sent into the ghetto to bring other members of his family to the House of Catechumens against their will, so that the man would not be deprived of his right to cohabit with his wife. Schools teaching nonreligious subjects were prohibited in the ghetto, and Jewish children were forbidden to attend schools outside its walls, or engage in professions or skilled occupations. Alarmed by the liberal revolutions of 1848, Pope Pius IX opposed all modern movements and ideas, and gave new respectability to the charge of Jewish ritual murder, while also endorsing a French book that defended the blood libel.

While a new, nationalist antisemitism emerged, traditional Christian antisemitism endured, in response to the liberalism and Jewish emancipation of the French Revolution. Following the defeat of Napoleon, who demolished the walls of the Roman ghetto, the Vatican rebuilt its walls and Jews in the Papal states remained confined to overcrowded, squalid ghettos, until the Papal States were abolished in 1870.[35] Conversionary sermons were again mandatory, and if a Jew chose to convert, the police forcibly took his family to the House of Catechumens to ensure the couple remained together. Educational and professional opportunities for Jews were severely restricted. Pope Pius IX, opposing modern liberal movements, reinforced accusations of Jewish ritual murder and supported literature defending the blood libel.[35]

The Popes against the Jews | Commonweal Magazine

Mandatory attendance at sermons aimed at converting Jews was reinstated.[3][6] Schools in ghettos were forbidden from teaching secular subjects, and Jewish children could not attend schools outside its walls, or engage in professions or skilled occupations.

Unlike their medieval predecessors, the nineteenth-century popes declined to issue public repudiations of charges of “ritual murder” by Jews, most notably in the notorious Damascus affair of 1840. The most influential pope of the century, Pius IX, alarmed by the revolutions of 1848, became an inveterate opponent of all modern movements and ideas and, in Kertzer’s words, “helped to give the charge of Jewish ritual murder new respectability” by affirming the status of the cult of a “martyred” child and endorsing a French book that defended the blood libel.

Christian and nationalist antisemitism merged in the latter half of the 19th century, with the creation of the nationalist, antisemitic Christian Social parties in Germany and Austria, which blamed Jews for liberalism

Germany

edit

Nationalism and racial antisemitism

Hannah Arendt noted that modern antisemitism, “emerged with the birth of the modern nation-state.” This was particularly evident in Germany where after the unifications of 1871 nationalists, striving for a German identity, sought to exclude minorities like Jews as "the other", thus not truly German. The nationalist historian, Heinrich von Treitschke, demanded that Jews fully assimilate and abandon their cultural identity, "for we do not want to see millennia of Germanic morality followed by an era of German-Jewish hybrid culture" While many Jews assimilated, nationalists sought new ways to exclude them, leading to the emergence of racial antisemitism. 19th century writers like Arthur de Gobineau promoted theories of "Aryan" racial supremacy. In 1835, the historian Friedrich Schubert labeled Jews "an Asiatic tribe" incapable of being part of the German nation.

The newly-coined term, "antisemitism", was a product of this racialized thinking, most extensively popularized by Wilhelm Marr. In his 1879 pamphlet, "The Victory of Judaism over Germandom," Marr depicted a racial conflict between Germans and Jews, asserting that liberalism and Jewish emancipation had allowed them to dominate German finance and industry. He argued this struggle could only end with the destruction of one race by the other and that a Jewish victory would mean the end of the German people. Marr founded the League of Antisemites in 1879, which advocated for the forced removal of Jews from Germany. This racialized concept of antisemitism quickly spread across Europe, with antisemitic organizations cropping up in France and elsewhere.

The financial crisis of the 1870s and the influx of Jewish refugees fleeing persecution in Tsarist Russia in the 1880s further fueled antisemitic sentiments across Europe. In 1887 Austrian nationalist parties, which advocated racist policies against minorities, voted for a bill to restrict the immigration of Russian and Romanian Jews. Similarly, antisemitic political parties in Germany adopted a strong Christian identity and sought to restrict the immigration of Russian Jews, as a first step toward striping all rights from Jews.[36] In 1897, the populist Karl Leuger, became mayor of Vienna, by wielding antisemitism and policies against other minorities as a tool to gain political power and mobilize the masses. The historian, Carl Schorske, called this "politics in a new key," characterized by emotion, charismatic leadership, and mass movements, with antisemitism playing a major role, in contrast to the earlier, more rational, parliamentary liberalism. Adolf Hitler spent, who spent the years 1907-1913 in Vienna, later in Mein Kampf described Karl Leuger as major inspiration.


Schorske also discusses the emergence of Zionism as a response to the rise of antisemitism. He highlights Theodor Herzl's shift from a belief in liberal assimilation to the conviction that Jews could only thrive in their own independent state, founded on Jewish nationalism.

  • A Symptom of Crisis: Antisemitism, in Schorske's analysis, is seen as part of a broader reaction against the perceived failures and limitations of liberalism in Vienna. The decline of liberal assumptions about progress and rational politics created a vacuum that allowed more emotional and nationalistic ideologies, including antisemitism, to flourish.
  • Part of a "Politics in a New Key": Schorske describes this shift as a transition to a
  • The Rise of Zionism: Schorske also discusses the emergence of Zionism as a response to the rise of antisemitism. He highlights Theodor Herzl's shift from a belief in liberal assimilation to the conviction that Jews could only thrive in their own independent state, founded on Jewish nationalism.
  • Critique of Schorske's Emphasis: It's important to note that some scholars, such as Steven Beller, criticize Schorske for not giving enough emphasis to the specific Jewish contribution to Viennese culture, and for downplaying the depth and impact of Viennese antisemitism. Beller suggests that the "liberal bourgeoisie" described by Schorske were in fact largely Jewish, and that their Jewishness played a significant role in their experience of antisemitism and their cultural achievements.

Hannah Arendt noted that modern antisemitism, “emerged with the birth of the modern nation-state.” This was particularly evident in Germany where after the 1871 unification, nationalists aimed to unify the newly formed nation based on a homogenous, German identity. They sought to accomplish this via ethnic exclusion, or “othering" - i.e. defining minorities such as Jews as not real Germans. The German nationalist, Treitschke. demanded the complete assimilation of Jews, writing “[the Jews] they should become Germans....For we do not want to see millennia of Germanic morality followed by an era of German-Jewish hybrid culture.” While many European Jews did in fact assimilate, this was not enough for nationalists, who sought new ways to distinguish Jews, which could only be achieved with anti-Jewish racism. Racial theories appeared in 19th century, with works such as Count Arthur de Gobineau’s essay claiming the “supremacy of the Nordic-Aryan race.” In 1835, the historian Friedrich Schubert, declared that a Jew could never be a true “member of the German nation” because the Jews were “an Asiatic tribe.”

The term “antisemitism” was a direct product of such racialized views of Jews. The man most responsible for popularizing it was Wilhelm Marr, who rejected the premise of assimilation as a means for Jews to become Germans. In his 1989 pamphlet "The Victory of Judaism over Germandom",[37]he introduced the idea that Germans and Jews were locked in a longstanding conflict, whose origins he attributed to race—and that the Jews were winning. He argued that Jewish emancipation resulting from German liberalism had allowed the Jews to control German finance and industry. Furthermore, since this conflict was based on the differences between Jewish and German races, it could only be resolved by the victory of one and the ultimate death of the other. A Jewish victory, he concluded, would result in the end of the German people. To prevent this from happening, in 1879 Marr founded the League of Antisemites, the first German organization committed specifically to combating the alleged threat to Germany posed by the Jews and advocating their forced removal from the country.

As Richard Levy writes, within 15 years “variants of anti-Semitism, anti-Semite, and anti-Semitic, made their way out of the German-speaking world into nearly every European language.” Antisemitic organizations appeared in France and elsewhere. In the 1870s, European antisemitism was further fueled by the financial crisis. In the 1880s antisemitism grew in response to the arrival of masses of Jewish refugees fleeing persecution Russian territories, who arrived in Germany and Austria-Hungary. By 1890s antisemitism was represented in the German parliament, threatening anti-Jewish laws.

Nationalism is a very contested idea, and its meanings and interpretations have varied over time. As Eric Hobsbawm summarizes it, nationalism is an idea that stresses the convergence of the state, the nation, and society.4 For Ernest Gellner, nationalism stresses the idea of a culturally unified state.5 This idea is seen most evidently in the evolution of German nationalism within Germany in the late 19th century. German nationalism evolved from a predominantly liberal movement into a xenophobic ideal after the failed 1848 revolutions.6 It is important to note, however, that the rise of nationalism in the late 19th century was not unique to Bismarck’s unified Germany. As Julie Thorpe highlights, German unification spurred greater debates about Pan-German nationalism outside Bismarck’s borders, such as in Austria-Hungary.7 Yet for the purposes of this essay, the German nationalistic goal, within the borders of an 1871 Germany, became one based on identity. Even after unification in 1871, Germans felt they lacked an identity and sought to construct one based on ethnic exclusion.8

  1. 1 2 Kranjc, Gregor Joseph (2013-01-01). To Walk with the Devil: Slovene Collaboration and Axis Occupation, 1941-1945. University of Toronto Press. p. 42. ISBN 978-1-4426-1330-0.
  2. 1 2 "Straža v viharju". www.dlib.si. 20.5.1937. p. 114. Retrieved 2025-12-08. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  3. ↑ Tomasevich, p. 42.
  4. ↑ Kertzer, David I. (2014-01-28). The Pope and Mussolini: The Secret History of Pius XI and the Rise of Fascism in Europe. Random House Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-679-64553-5.
  5. ↑ Kranjc, p. 47.
  6. 1 2 3 Haynes, Rebecca; Rady, Martyn (2011). In the shadow of Hitler: personalities of the right in Central and Eastern Europe. London: I.B. Tauris. pp. 97–99. ISBN 9781845116972.
  7. ↑ Modras, Ronald (1994). The Catholic Church and Antisemitism: Poland, 1933-1939. Overseas Publishers Association N.V. p. 346. ISBN 9781135286170. Reprinted 2004 by Routledge.
  8. 1 2 Paulsson 2005a, p. 554.
  9. 1 2 3 The Routledge Atlas of the Holocaust by Martin Gilbert, p. 21
  10. 1 2 Polonsky, Antony (2012). The Jews in Poland and Russia. Vol. III. 1914 to 2000. Oxford: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization. pp. 80–84. ISBN 978-1-904113-48-5.
  11. ↑ "The Polish government was committed to the Zionist option in its own Jewish policy and maintained good relations with Jabotinsky's Revisionist Zionist, rather than with the Majority Zionists. Francis R. Nicosia, The Third Reich and the Palestine Question, 1985, pp. 261–262.
  12. ↑ Friedla, Katharina (2021). "'From Nazi Inferno to Soviet Hell': Polish–Jewish children and youth and their trajectories of survival during and after World War II". Journal of Modern European History. 19 (3): 277–280. doi:10.1177/16118944211017748. ISSN 1611-8944. S2CID 236898673.
  13. ↑ Wierzejska, Jagoda (2018-01-01). "The Pogrom of Jews During and After World War I: The Destruction of the Jewish Idea of Galicia". Personal Narratives, Peripheral Theatres: Essays on the Great War (1914–18), Anthony Barker / Maria Eugénia Pereira / Maria Teresa Cortez / Paulo Alexandre Pereira / Otília Martins (Eds.), Cham: Springer: 182.
  14. ↑ Edward D. Wynot, Jr., 'A Necessary Cruelty': The Emergence of Official Anti-Semitism in Poland, 1936–39. American Historical Review, no. 4, October 1971, 1035–1058. doi:10.1086/ahr/76.4.1035
  15. ↑ William W. Hagen. Before the "Final Solution": Toward a Comparative Analysis of Political Antisemitism in Interwar Germany and Poland. Journal of Modern History July 1996: 1–31.
  16. ↑ Celia Stopnicka Heller. On the Edge Of Destruction: Jews of Poland Between the Two World Wars. Wayne State University Press, 1993.
  17. ↑ Ilya Prizel, National identity and foreign policy, Cambridge University Press 1998 ISBN 0-521-57697-0 p. 65.
  18. ↑ Rozenbaum, Włodzimierz (1989). "The Status of the Jews in Poland between the Wars: 1918–1939: An Overview". In Timothy J. Wiles (ed.). Poland between the Wars: 1918–1939. Bloomington: Indiana University Polish Studies Center. pp. 161–169.
  19. ↑ GUS (1938). "1931 Polish census. Table 10, p. 30 in current document". Drugi Powszechny Spis Ludności z dn. 9.XII.1931 r. Seria C. Zeszyt 94a (PDF file, direct download) (in Polish). ]Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Retrieved 3 March 2015. Religion and Native Language (total). Section Jewish: 3,113,933 with Yiddish: 2,489,034 and Hebrew: 243,539.
  20. ↑ Latawski, Paul (2008). "The Dmowski-Namier Feud, 1915-1918". Jews and the Emerging Polish State (Polin Volume Two). Liverpool University Press, Cambridge University Press. pp. 37–49. ISBN 978-1-909821-53-8.
  21. ↑ Barbara Engelking, "Psychological Distance Between Poles and Jews in Nazi-Occupied Warsaw", in Joshue Zimmerman, ed., "Contested memories", Rutgers University Press, 2003, p. 47
  22. ↑ "Zionism and Zionist Parties". YIVO. Retrieved 2022-08-22.
  23. ↑ Edelheit, Hershel (19 September 2019). History Of Zionism: A Handbook And Dictionary. Routledge. p. 116. ISBN 9780429721045.
  24. ↑ Cichopek-Gajraj, Anna; Dynner, Glenn (2021). "Pogroms in Modern Poland, 1918–1946". Pogroms: A Documentary History. Oxford University Press. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-19-006011-4.
  25. ↑ Sejm RP. Internetowy System Aktow Prawnych. "Traktat między Głównemi Mocarstwami sprzymierzonemi i stowarzyszonemi a Polską, podpisany w Wersalu dnia 28 czerwca 1919 r." PDF scan of the Treaty, Archived 26 January 2012 at the Wayback Machine (original document, 1,369 KB). Retrieved 16 October 2011.
  26. ↑ Davies, Norman (1993). "Ethnic Diversity in Twentieth Century Poland". In Strauss, Herbert Arthur (ed.). Hostages of Modernization: Studies on Modern Antisemitism, 1870–1933/39. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3110137156.
  27. ↑ Engel, David (2003). "Lwów, 1918: The Transmutation of a Symbol and its Legacy in the Holocaust". In Zimmerman, Joshua D. (ed.). Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press. pp. 33–34. ISBN 0813531586.
  28. ↑ Kapiszewski, Andrzej (2004). "Controversial Reports on the situation of Jews in Poland in the aftermath of World War I". Studia Judaica (PDF). pp. 257–304. Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 October 2007.
  29. ↑ Sejm RP. Internetowy System Aktow Prawnych. "Ustawa z dnia 17 marca 1921 r. – Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej." PDF scan of the March Constitution Archived 5 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine, (original document, 1,522 KB), including "Rozporządzenie Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej z dnia 9 marca 1927 r. w sprawie utworzenia gmin wyznaniowych żydowskich na obszarze powiatów: białostockiego, bielskiego i sokólskiego województwa białostockiego." Amendments, Archived 19 January 2012 at the Wayback Machine (original document, 67 KB). Retrieved 16 October 2011.
  30. ↑ Kitchen 2007, pp. 128–129.
  31. ↑ Ian Kershaw (2008) Fateful Choices: pp. 441–44
  32. ↑ "The Evian Conference, July 1938". Holocaust Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 2025-07-04. Retrieved 2025-07-30.
  33. 1 2 3 4 Schorske, Carl E. (2012-02-01). Fin-De-Siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture (Pulitzer Prize Winner). Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-307-81451-7.
  34. ↑ Jack Wertheimer, Unwelcome Strangers, Oxford University Press, 1991, p. 165
  35. 1 2 "The Popes against the Jews | Commonweal Magazine". www.commonwealmagazine.org. 2004-06-14. Retrieved 2025-07-29.
  36. ↑ Jack Wertheimer, Unwelcome Strangers, Oxford University Press, 1991, p. 165
  37. ↑ "GHDI - Document".
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Thhhommmasss/sandbox&oldid=1330575298"