Wikipedia

Para-fascism

(Redirected from Semi-fascist)

Para-fascism[n 1] are authoritarian conservative regimes rooted in nationalist movements that adopt characteristics associated with fascism such as personality cults, paramilitary organizations, symbols and rhetoric, while diverging from conventional fascist tenets such as palingenetic ultranationalism, modernism, and populism.[1][2] Para-fascism often emerges in response to the need for a facade of popular support in an age of mass politics, without a genuine commitment to revolutionary nationalism, instead focusing on maintaining tradition, religion, and culture. Para-fascist regimes may co-opt or neutralize genuine fascist movements.[3]

Leaders referred to as para-fascist: Engelbert Dollfuss of the Federal State of Austria, Ioannis Metaxas of the 4th of August Regime in the Kingdom of Greece, Francisco Franco of the Spanish State, António de Oliveira Salazar of the Estado Novo in Portugal, Philippe Pétain of Vichy France, Miklos Horthy of the Kingdom of Hungary, Milan Stojadinović of Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Antanas Smetona of Lithuania and Ion Antonescu of the Kingdom of Romania

The historian Roger Griffin defines the following regimes and movements as para-fascist: Austrofascism in the Federal State of Austria led by Engelbert Dollfuss and Kurt Schuschnigg,[4] Metaxism in the Greek '4th of August Regime',[5] the "New State" of António de Oliveira Salazar's Portugal,[6] the Bando nacional and the FET y de las JONS led by Francisco Franco in the Spanish State, Kingdom of Hungary led by Miklós Horthy, and the Révolution nationale in Vichy France led by Philippe Petain;[7] the dictatorships of Carol II and Ion Antonescu in the Kingdom of Romania, Miguel Primo de Rivera's dictatorship in Spain and Antanas Smetona's Lithuanian Nationalist Union in Lithuania have also been referred to as para-fascist.[8][9][10] While most historians of fascism agree that these regimes were not totally fascist, many authors do acknowledge that they have some kind of connection with fascism, either by being partially influenced by it or by co-opting some genuine fascist groups.[11] The terms used by different historians to characterize these conservative regimes include: "fascisant", "fascistic", "fascistized", and others.

By country

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Austria

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The Fatherland Front was an Austrian right-wing conservative, nationalist, and corporatist political organization founded in 1933 by Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss. It aimed to unite Austrians across political and social divides,[12] emphasizing Austrian nationalism and independence from Germany while protecting the Catholic religious identity. The Front absorbed various anti-Marxist groups, establishing an authoritarian and corporatist regime known as the Ständestaat.[13][14] It banned and persecuted political opponents, including communists, social democrats, and Austrian Nazis.[15] Dollfuss was assassinated by the Nazis in 1934, and he was succeeded by Kurt Schuschnigg. The Fatherland Front's role in Austrian history remains a subject of debate, with some viewing it as a form of "Austrofascism" responsible for the decline of liberal democracy, while others credit it for defending independence and opposing Nazism.[16]

France

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These paragraphs are an excerpt from Révolution nationale.[edit]

The Révolution nationale (French pronunciation: [ʁevɔlysjɔ̃ nɑsjɔnal], National Revolution) was the official ideological program promoted by Vichy France (the "French State") which had been established in July 1940 and led by Marshal Philippe Pétain, after whom the ideological underpinning of Vichy France has also been referred to as Pétainism,[17][18][19] also referred to as Vichyism[20][21] (Vichyisme).[22][23] Pétain's regime was characterized by anti-parliamentarism, personality cultism, xenophobia, state-sponsored antisemitism, promotion of traditional values, rejection of the constitutional separation of powers, and state corporatism, as well as opposition to the theory of class conflict. Despite its name, the ideological policies were reactionary rather than revolutionary as the program opposed almost every change introduced to French society by the French Revolution.[24] Vichy France is often described as traditional right-wing and authoritarian conservative as opposed to fascism; at the same time, the regime featured characteristics of fascism, and the definition of Vichy as fascist has been advocated by some historians.[25][17][26]

As soon as it was established, Pétain's government took measures against the "undesirables", namely Jews, métèques (foreigners), Freemasons, and Communists. The persecution of these four groups was inspired by Charles Maurras' concept of the "Anti-France", or "internal foreigners", which he defined as the "four confederate states of Protestants, Jews, Freemasons and foreigners".[citation needed] The regime also persecuted Romani people, homosexuals, and left-wing activists in general. Vichy imitated the racial policies of the Third Reich and also engaged in natalist policies aimed at reviving the "French race" (including a sports policy), although these policies never went as far as Nazi eugenics.

Although Pétainism ended with the dissolution of Vichy France, such terms as Neo-Pétainism have been used to describe modern French far-right movements.

Greece

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Metaxism is an authoritarian nationalist ideology linked to Ioannis Metaxas in Greece.[27] It aimed for the revitalization of the Greek nation and the establishment of a modern, culturally unified Greece. This ideology criticized liberalism, prioritizing the interests of the nation over individual concerns, and sought to mobilize the Greek populace as a disciplined collective in the pursuit of a "new Greece."[28]

Metaxas proclaimed his 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) as the embodiment of a "Third Greek Civilization," aspiring to create a culturally refined Greek nation drawing from ancient Macedonian and Spartan militaristic societies, representing the "First Greek Civilization," as well as the Orthodox Christian values of the Byzantine Empire, seen as the "Second Greek Civilization." The regime maintained that authentic Greeks were both ethnically Greek and adherents of Orthodox Christianity, explicitly excluding Albanians, Slavs, and Turks in Greece from Greek citizenship.[28]

While the Metaxas government and its official doctrines are sometimes labeled as fascist, scholarly consensus characterizes it as a traditional authoritarian-conservative administration akin to the regimes of Francisco Franco in Spain or António de Oliveira Salazar in Portugal.[29][page needed][30] The Metaxist government drew its authority from the conservative establishment, staunchly supporting traditional institutions like the Greek Orthodox Church and the Greek Monarchy. It leaned towards a reactionary stance and lacked the radical theoretical elements associated with ideologies like Italian Fascism and German Nazism.[29][page needed][30] Notably, the regime did not espouse antisemitism, considering it to be "distasteful."[31] While Georgios Kondylis (who has been prime minister in 1935) was openly inspired by Mussolini and praised Hitler, it is "debatable" whether Metaxas attempted to establish a fascist regime. Metaxas deepened economic ties with Germany but rejected any "Nazification" of his regime.[32]

Hungary

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A member of the "Szeged Fascist" Hungarian National Defence Association Gyula Gömbös[33] was appointed prime minister in 1936. Miklós Horthy required him to publicly renounce anti-antisemitism. He renamed the ruling party to National Unity Party and adopted a pro-Italian foreign policy.[34] From 1938, the regime adopted anti-Semitic laws after Nuremberg Laws[35][36] and was a pioneer of antisemitic laws passing a numerus clausus back in 1920 but remained relatively safe for Jews compared to other Axis members.[37] Walter Laqueur calls him "not a rabid antisemite" who was unwilling to oppose the "popular mood".[38]

Miklós Horthy's regime is described as "moderate conservative",[34] "pro-fascist",[39] "ultra-rightist Christian-nationalist",[35] "right-wing",[40] "fascist-shaped",[41] or "half-fascist".[42] It allowed some open opposition[35] but was barely democratic[43] and sought to keep the fascist movements from power.[44] For instance, the 1939 parliamentary election were probably rigged to weaken the fascist Arrow Cross Party.[45]

Lithuania

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Marxist historians regarded Antanas Smetona's regime as fascist but while his regime and the Lithuanian Nationalist Union (LTS) were noted to have fascist characteristics, Romuald J. Misiuna notes that the LTS was "in essence it was hardly fascist." LTS founded the Iron Wolf as a secret paramilitary organisation. They were seen as more fascist-leaning and were eventually reformed into a sporting organization after the dismissal of its leader Augustinas Voldemaras. Former Iron Wolf members who remained loyal to Voldemaras became rebel group and the Iron Wolves banned in 1934.[46][47] LTS participated in the 1934 Montreux Fascist conference.[48] In the late 1930s, the regime-loyal LTS became more influenced by catholic corporatism and the dictatorship adopted more fascist-leaning characteristics.[47]

Portugal

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The National Union was the exclusive legal party of Portugal's Estado Novo regime, established in 1930 under the influence of António de Oliveira Salazar.

Unlike most of the one-party states during its time, it operated more as a political extension of the government rather than holding direct authority. Its membership primarily consisted of local elites like landowners, professionals, businessmen, and individuals with Catholic, monarchist, or conservative republican affiliations.[49]

The National Union did not actively engage in militant activities. Under Salazar's leadership, it became the sole legally permitted party, but he emphasized that it should not function as a conventional political party. Instead, it served as a platform for conservatism rather than a revolutionary force.[50]

The party's ideology centered around corporatism, drawing inspiration from Catholic encyclicals and Mussolini's corporate state.[51] Unlike other ruling Fascist parties, it played a more limited role in governance, primarily focused on controlling and managing public opinion rather than mobilizing it.

Scholarly opinions vary on whether the Estado Novo and the National Union should be classified as fascist or not, with Salazar himself highlighting significant differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the Estado Novo. Some scholars lean towards categorizing it as a conservative authoritarian regime, while others argue for its classification as fascist.[52]

Romania

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Royal dictatorship

After the 1937 general election which were likely rigged against the fascist Iron Guard,[53] King Carol II appointed Octavian Goga of the fascist National Christian Party as prime minister to keep the larger Iron Guard at bay.[54] However, the government was unstable because it did not hold a majority in parliament and was soon replaced by an autocratic government.[55] The king suspended the constitution and created the National Renaissance Front which held the antisemitic policies of Goga in place.[56] The party was later renamed to "Party of the Nation" and moved closer to fascism. The regime failed to gain support from the Iron Guard and in 1940, Carol II resigned.[57]

Antonescu's dictatorship

In 1940, the National Legionary State was created under Ion Antonescu and the Iron Guard.[57] In 1941 however, the Iron Guard staged an unsuccessful coup and Antonescu stayed in power until 1944.[58]

There is a historiographic dispute about whether Antonescu's regime was fascist or more generically right-wing authoritarian, itself integrated within a larger debate about the aspects and limits of fascism. Zeev Sternhell and Hagen Schulze describes Antonescu, alongside his European counterparts Pierre-Étienne Flandin, Franco, Horthy, François de La Rocque, Pétain, Józef Piłsudski, Salazar, and Italian King Victor Emmanuel III, as "conservative" in contrast fascist states.[59][60]

Other sources call him para-fascist.[61] Dennis Deletant notes that the fascist label relies on both Antonescu's adoption of some fascist "trappings" and the "dichotomy of wartime and postwar evaluation" of his regime, that post-1960 interpretations "do more to explain his behaviour than the preceding orthodoxy" and contrasts the lack of "mass political party or ideology" with the type of rule associated with Nazism or Italian fascism.[62] Juliana Geran Pilon describes Romania's "military fascist regime" as a successor to Iron Guardist "mystical nationalism", while mentioning that Antonescu's "national ideology was rather more traditionally militaristic and conservative."[63]

Spain

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Primo de Rivera's dictatorship

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In 1923, Miguel Primo de Rivera staged coup d'état. Mussolini called him "chief of Spanish Fascism" but noted the difference between the two. Primo de Rivera's regime was opposed to Mussolini's revolutionary and anti-clerical tendencies.[10]

Francoist dictatorship

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The regime of Franco in Spain has been described either as fascist or as an authoritarian conservative military dictatorship; throughout the ongoing debates, some historians offered middle positions which still underlined the fascist traits of Francoism: Roger Griffin, for example, defined it as para-fascism; Ismael Saz defined it as dictadura fascistizada, a regime which underwent a period unfinished period of rapid fascization, and afterwards, of unfinished de-fascization after World War II; the regime has been described as 'the most fascist of all non-fascist regimes and the least fascist of all the fascist regimes'. While Enrique Moradiellos contends that "it is now increasingly rare to define Francoism as a truly fascist and totalitarian regime", although he writes that the debates on Francoism haven't finished yet, Saz notes that "it has also begun to be recognised that" Francoism underwent a "totalitarian or quasi-totalitarian, fascist or quasi-fascist" phase.[64][65][66] The definition of Francoism as a fascist regime is defended by Paul Preston: according to him, while "style and ideology" of Francoism diverged more from Fascism than the ones of the original Francoism, with similarities in these terms Francoism also pursued the "social and economic function" of fascism.[67] While the heterodox nature of the Nationalist forces is given as an argument for rejecting its definition as fascist, such scholars as Preston, Julián Casanova and Ferran Gallego believed that Francoists at war went through radicalization and fascisation and displayed a unity of a singular fascist movement, while the composition of factions within the regime was similar to the one in Italy and Germany.[68][69][70][page needed][71] Some authors noted that Francoism formed in war included such key elements of fascist ideology as the goal to purify and rebuild the national community in accordance with the image of a "New Man" born in the "bonfire" of war[72] and modern ultranationalism.[73]

The Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, commonly known as FET y de las JONS or simply "FET," was the exclusive legal political party of the Francoist regime in Spain. Established by General Francisco Franco in 1937, it was a fusion of the fascist Falange Española de las JONS (FE de las JONS) with the monarchist neo-absolutist and integralist Catholic Traditionalist Communion associated with the Carlist movement. Despite the amalgamation, FET largely retained the platform of FE de las JONS, preserving 26 out of its original 27 points, as well as a similar internal structure.[74] This party remained in effect until April 1977, after which it was rebranded as the Movimiento Nacional in 1958 which caused it to transform into an Authoritarian Conservative movement.[74][75] Some academics considered the pre-merge FE de las JONS to be fascist and that the merger with the Traditionalist Communion caused it to lose its fascist characteristics and thus become para-fascist.[76][failed verification]

Yugoslavia

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In 1929, a royal dictatorship had been established in Yugoslavia which had barely any fascist characteristics. Milan Stojadinović attempted to "fascistize" the regime with little success which was described as unconvincing and even "operetta-like" by historians.[77] The Yugoslav Radical Union adopted green shirts and Stojadinović adopted the title "Vodja", however they officially denied any fascist intent.[78] Stojadinović was authoritarian and anticommunist but did not destroy the constitution.[79] He sought align with Italy and the Axis[48] and claimed in 1938 that he would develop a Yugoslav version of fascism before being dismissed the following year.[78]

Non-European

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China

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Republic of China (1912–1949)

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The Blue Shirts Society (BSS) was a Chinese ultranationalist faction within the Kuomintang (KMT) that was influenced by German Brownshirts and Italian Blackshirts, it is debatable whether this can be seen as a fascist organization in the pure sense: unlike the Nazism and Italian Fascism, which is imperialist,[80] populist, and partly anti-conservative, the ultranationalism of the BSS was anti-imperialist,[81] elitist,[82][83] and conservative. Historians Paul Jackson and Cyprian Balmires, have classified the BSS as a ‘fascistic’ ultranationalist group rather than a ‘fascist’ group.[84] As an extension of the Second Sino-Japanese War, KMT served in the Allies in World War II and was openly an anti-fascist,[85] and the BSS aided the political activities of the KMT.

Chiang Kai-shek started the New Life Movement under Confucian ideals. It was a government-led civic campaign in the 1930s Republic of China to promote cultural reform and Neo-Confucian social morality and to ultimately unite China under a centralized ideology following the emergence of ideological challenges to the status quo. Frederic Wakeman suggested that the New Life Movement was "Confucian fascism", but Wakeman is ambivalent about whether the New Life Movement was in fact fascist.[86] Jay Taylor, argue that Chiang's ideology does not espouse the general ideology of fascism despite his growing sympathies with fascist ideas in the 1930s.[87] China later declared war on fascist countries, including Germany, Italy, and Japan, as part of the Declarations of war during World War II and Chiang became the most powerful "anti-fascist" leader in Asia.[85][88] When it comes to categorizing fascist regimes, KMT and Chiang's regime is often not categorized as fascist.[87][89]

People's Republic of China

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Some scholars and journalists have argued that the Chinese Communist Party under the leadership of Xi Jinping resemble aspects of fascism, mostly due to its conservative and nationalist social policies, paired with their authoritarian leadership, sophisticated surveillance system and ever-increasing military strength.[90][91] Some scholars have argued that the similarities between the Chinese Communist Party in the 21st century and classical fascist regimes lie in their proximity to state capitalism (rather than orthodox communism), as well as their anti-democratic, anti-labor, and chauvinistic expansionism.[92] However, others have criticized the fascism label as "ahistorical" due to the absence of mass mobilization, along with its Marxist-Leninist ideological roots.[93][94] In general, rather than fascist, the Chinese Communist Party is often described as authoritarian capitalist,[95] authoritarian conservative,[96][97] conservative nationalist,[98][99] and conservative socialist.[100][101]

Israel

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In 1923, Betar, a paramilitary organization rooted in the Revisionist Zionist youth movement led by Ze'ev Jabotinsky, was founded; described by the prominent Israeli historian Tom Segev as operating "in a nationalistic, para-Fascist tone, in the spirit of the times", it modeled itself on European fascist organizations such as the Blackshirts and Brownshirts.[102][103] Betar was affiliated with the original national-conservative Herut and Likud political parties of Jewish pioneers and was closely connected to the Zionist militant group Irgun.[104] Betar is a right-wing organization that has existed since the founding of Israel; it has been blacklisted as a hate group and added to the Anti-Defamation League's extremism database for its embrace of "Islamophobia [and] harras[ing] Muslims".[105][106][107]

From 1999 to 2019, Yisrael Beiteinu was a right-wing conservative party that followed Zev Jabotinsky's radical revisionist Zionism, during which the party was sometimes referred to as "quasi-fascist"; now the party is more moderate, breaking with Likud.[108]

Japan

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After the Russian revolution in 1917, several rival proto-fascist and fascist movements developed in Japan, and these activities helped increase the military's influence on the Japanese government.[109] Despite the failure of the February 26 incident, Japan's ultranationalist military forces became the driving force of the fascist movement, gradually playing a central role in national politics.[110]

Empire of Japan, along with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, was one of the three major countries of the Axis powers. In the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II, Japan committed war crimes on a large scale, including rape, slaughter, slavery, and biopsy, so compared to German war crimes, including the Holocaust,[n 2] Japan is often referred to as "fascist" during this period. However, the system of the Empire of Japan is more para-fascist regimes like Dolfuss' Christian Social Austria, Salazar's Estado Novo in Portugal, and Vichy France, not genuine fascism like Germany and Italy.[117]

From 1940 to 1945, Japan established a one-party system by the para-fascist[118][119][120] Imperial Rule Assistance Association to efficiently carry out the Second Sino-Japanese War and the Pacific War;[118] the Encyclopedia Britannica defined the military dictatorship led by Hideki Tojo (1941–1944) as fascist regime.[109]

Latin America

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During the 1930s and 1940s, most dictators in Latin America adopted corporatism or other fascist characteristics including Juan Perón in Argentina, Getúlio Vargas in Brazil, Carlos Ibáñez del Campo in Chile, Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, José María Velasco Ibarra in Ecuador, Maximiliano Hernández Martínez in El Salvador, Jorge Ubico in Guatemala, Rafael Franco in Paraguay and Arnulfo Arias in Panama. Progressive and left-wing movements and regimes like the regime of Lázaro Cárdenas in Mexico, the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance or the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement also adopted such policies.[121][122][123] Ubico supported Franco but was not pro-Germany and did not adopt a pro-fascist foreign policy.[124][125]

The Estado Novo in Brazil ruled by Vargas and Perón's Argentina are classified by Griffin as the best candidates of fascist regimes but both fell short of it. The Estado Novo shared the para-fascist aspects its Portuguese counterpart. Peronism came closer to fascism but it was not radical enough to qualify as fascist according to Griffin.[126] The Brazilian Integralist Action are seen by him as an "authentic" fascist movement but they were less successful than other fascist opposition movements like Romanian Iron Guard and were easily cracked down by Vargas' regime.[127]

There is a debate if Peronism classifies as fascist despite being inspired by fascism. Some like Federico Finchelstein or Donald C. Hodges put into contrast as they lead to democratic reforms and Perón distanced himself from Italian fascism.[128][129] Some including Seymour Martin Lipset, Eugen Weber and Paul H. Lewis classify Juan Perón as a fascist.[130] Others classify it as "left-wing fascism"[131] or a "national populism".[130]

Para-Nazism

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Before 1945, there were political movements that imitated Germany's Nazism, which similar to aid, featured totalitarian, antisemitic, and Völkisch nationalist elements, but rejected certain elements, such as German nationalism or genuine populism: the National Socialist Workers' Party in Poland and Pērkonkrusts in Latvia are prime examples;[132][133] in the late 1930s, during the Imperial Empire of Japan's wartime period, a series of policies modeled on Nazism were adopted by establishment insiders within the established leadership.[134]

Some post-war European neo-fascist movements exhibited the characteristics of crypto- or para-Nazi movement that borrowed certain elements from Nazism without fully embodying all of its features; this form of neo-fascism grew on the fringes of European politics (including West Germany), centered on working-class racism and the alienation of youth, while Nazi symbols emerged as an indicator of psychopathology.[135]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ↑ Also known as semi-fascism and quasi-fascism.
  2. ↑ While systematic Nazi atrocities resulted in approximately 11 to 17 million deaths, the cumulative death toll caused by the Japanese Empire's expansionism across Asia is estimated to be significantly higher, with some figures ranging from 20 million to over 30 million.[111][112][113] This encompasses not only direct massacres but also tens of millions of deaths from man-made famines and forced labor in occupied territories including Korea, China, and Southeast Asia. Consequently, despite the academic controversy, South Korean, Chinese, and some scholars regard the Japanese Empire as a 'fascist' regime whose scale of human destruction exceeds that of Nazi Germany, and Japanese war crimes are often referred to as the [Asian] 'Holocaust'.[114][115][116]

References

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  1. ↑ Griffin 1993, pp. 120–124, 240.
  2. ↑ Freeden, Michael; Sargent, Lyman; Stears, Marc (2013). The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford. pp. 294–297. ISBN 978-0-19-958597-7.
  3. ↑ Griffin 1993, pp. 124.
  4. ↑ Griffin 1993, pp. 124–126.
  5. ↑ Griffin 1993, pp. 122.
  6. ↑ Griffin 1993, pp. 122–123.
  7. ↑ Griffin, Roger; Feldman, Matthew (2004). Fascism: The 'fascist epoch'. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-29019-7.
  8. ↑ Blinkhorn 2000, p. 110.
  9. ↑ The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge. 16 August 2005. ISBN 978-1-134-60952-9.
  10. 1 2 Kallis, Aristotle (2020). "Working Across Bounded Entities: Fascism, 'Para-Fascism', and Ideational Mobilities in Interwar Europe". Beyond the Fascist Century: Essays in Honour of Roger Griffin. Springer. pp. 87–89. ISBN 9783030468316.
  11. ↑ Saz, Ismael (23 July 2019). Reactionary Nationalists, Fascists and Dictatorships in the Twentieth Century. p. 10. ISBN 9783030224110.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  12. ↑ Thuswaldner, Gregor (2006). "Dollfuss, Engelbert (1892–1934)". In Domenico, Roy Palmer; Hanley, Mark Y. (eds.). Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Politics. Greenwood Press. p. 174. ISBN 978-0313323621.
  13. ↑ Pyrah, Robert (2007). "Enacting Encyclicals? Cultural Politics and 'Clerical Fascism' in Austria, 1933–1938". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions. 8 (2): 369–382. doi:10.1080/14690760701321338 – via Taylor & Francis Online.
  14. ↑ Binder 2002, p. 75.
  15. ↑ Binder 2002, p. 73.
  16. ↑ Tálos, Emmerich; Neugebauer, Wolfgang (2014). Austrofaschismus: Politik, Ökonomie, Kultur, 1933-1938 (in German) (7th ed.). Lit Verlag. pp. 1–2. ISBN 9783825877125.
  17. 1 2 Reassessing Political Ideologies: The Durability of Dissent. Routledge. 2 August 2004. ISBN 978-1-134-52146-3.
  18. ↑ François Garçon (1983). "Nazi Film Propaganda in Occupied France". Nazi Propaganda (RLE Nazi Germany & Holocaust).
  19. ↑ Rod Kedward (2021). Vichy France and the Resistance. Taylor & Francis.
  20. ↑ The French Resistance. Harvard University Press. 25 April 2016. ISBN 978-0-674-97039-7.
  21. ↑ Baptiste, Fitzroy (15 April 1988). War, Cooperation, and Conflict: The European Possessions in the Caribbean, 1939-1945. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. ISBN 978-0-313-38953-5.
  22. ↑ France After 2012. Berghahn Books. January 2015. ISBN 978-1-78238-549-3.
  23. ↑ Vichyisme et vichyistes à la Martinique, ” Cahiers du Cerag , no. 34 (1978): 1–107
  24. ↑ René Rémond, Les droites en France, Aubier, 1982
  25. ↑ H. R. Kedward (2005). "French Resistance: a few home truths". Historical Controversies and Historians. Taylor & Francis.
  26. ↑ Kevin Passmore (2013). The Right in France from the Third Republic to Vichy. OUP Oxford. pp. 350–351. ISBN 9780199658206.
  27. ↑ Payne 1995, pp. 319–320.
  28. 1 2 Sørensen, Gert; Mallett, Robert (2002). International Fascism,1919-45 (1st ed.). Routledge. p. 159. ISBN 978-0714682624.
  29. 1 2 Payne 1995.
  30. 1 2 Lee, Stephen J. (2000). European Dictatorships, 1918-1945 (2nd ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-23046-9.
  31. ↑ Fleming, K. E. (2010). Greece – a Jewish History. Princeton University Press. p. 101. doi:10.1515/9781400834013. ISBN 978-1-4008-3401-3.
  32. ↑ Lagos, Katerina (2023). The Fourth of August Regime and Greek Jewry, 1936-1941. St Antony's Series. pp. 132–133. doi:10.1007/978-3-031-20533-0. ISBN 978-3-031-20533-0. ISSN 2633-5972.
  33. ↑ Payne 1996, p. 132.
  34. 1 2 Payne 1996, p. 269.
  35. 1 2 3 Braham, Randolph L. (2018). "Hungary". Camps and Ghettos under European Regimes Aligned with Nazi Germany. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933–1945. Vol. 3. p. 302. ISBN 9780253023865.
  36. ↑ Veyder-Malberg, Thyra (23 March 2020). "Miklós Horthy: Admiral, Reichsverweser, Kollaborateur, Antisemit". Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk (in German). Archived from the original on 16 August 2022.
  37. ↑ Lazló, Ferenc (2019). "The Radicalization of Hungarian Antisemitism until 1941: On Indigenous Roots and Transnational Embeddedness". Right-Wing Politics and the Rise of Antisemitism in Europe 1935-1941. Wallstein Verlag. pp. 40–42. ISBN 9783835343009.
  38. ↑ Laqueur, Walter (2008). The Changing Face of Anti-Semitism: From Ancient Times to the Present Day. Oxford University Press. p. 110. ISBN 9780199840571.
  39. ↑ Nicolò Palazzetti (2021). Béla Bartók in Italy: The Politics of Myth-making. Boydell & Brewer. p. 227. ISBN 9781783276202.
  40. ↑ Kristóf Szombati (2018). The Revolt of the Provinces: Anti-Gypsyism and Right-Wing Politics in Hungary. Berghahn Books. p. 176. ISBN 9781785338977.
  41. ↑ Anton Pelinka (2022). Faschismus?: Zur Beliebigkeit eines politischen Begriffs (in German). p. 210. ISBN 9783205215851.
  42. ↑ Peter Stiegnitz (2004). Die grossen Lügen der kleinen Politiker?: eine Analyse (in German). p. 154. ISBN 9783851671650.
  43. ↑ Anton Pelinka (2022). Faschismus?: Zur Beliebigkeit eines politischen Begriffs (in German). p. 177. ISBN 9783205215851.
  44. ↑ Friedländer, Saul (2009). Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1933-1945. p. 248. ISBN 978-0-06-135027-6.
  45. ↑ Payne, Stanley. G. (1983). Fascism. Comparison and Definition. Madison. p. 114. ISBN 9780299080648.
  46. ↑ Misiunas, Romuald J. (January 1970). "Fascist Tendencies in Lithuania". The Slavonic and East European Review. 48 (110): 97–100. JSTOR 4206165.
  47. 1 2 Blinkhorn 2000, p. 83.
  48. 1 2 Griffin 1993, p. 121.
  49. ↑ Lewis 2002, p. 143.
  50. ↑ Gallagher, Tom (2020). Salazar : the dictator who refused to die. C Hurst & Co Publishers. pp. 43–44. ISBN 9781787383883.
  51. ↑ Lewis 2002, p. 185.
  52. ↑ Rosas, Fernando (2019). Salazar e os Fascismos: Ensaio Breve de História Comparada (in Portuguese). Edições Tinta-da-China. ISBN 9786584835122.
  53. ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt (2016). "Wer waren die rumänischen Legionäre?" (PDF). Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte [de] (in German). 64 (3): 430. doi:10.1515/vfzg-2016-0021. Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 June 2023.
  54. ↑ Hutzelmann, Barbara; Hausleitner, Mariana; Hazan, Souzana (2018). Slowakei, Rumänien und Bulgarien. Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistsche Deutschland (in German). p. 50. ISBN 9783110495201.
  55. ↑ Stephan Olaf Schüller (2006). Für Glaube, Führer, Volk, Vater- oder Mutterland?: Die Kämpfe um die deutsche Jugend im rumänischen Banat (1918-1944) (in German). p. 168. ISBN 978-3-8258-1910-1.
  56. ↑ Gerhard Köpernik (2014). Faschisten im KZ: Rumäniens Eiserne Garde und das Dritte Reich (in German). Frank & Timme GmbH. pp. 16f. ISBN 9783732900893.
  57. 1 2 Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe (2017). "Inter-Fascist Conflicts in East Central Europe: The Nazis, the "Austrofascists," the Iron Guard, and the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists". Fascism without Borders: Transnational Connections and Cooperation between Movements and Regimes in Europe from 1918 to 1945. Berghahn Books. pp. 181–182. ISBN 9781785334696.
  58. ↑ Marina, Cristina (6 September 2020). "Diktator von Hitlers Gnaden". Süddeutsche Zeitung (in German).
  59. ↑ Zeev Sternhell (1996). Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 5. ISBN 0-691-00629-6.
  60. ↑ Hagen Schulze (1996). States, Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. p. 292. ISBN 0-631-19633-1.
  61. ↑ "General Ion Antonescu". The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge. 2005. p. 196. ISBN 9781134609529.
  62. ↑ Dennis Deletant (2006). Hitler's Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonescu and His Regime, Romania, 1940–1944. London: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 1–2, 70. ISBN 1-4039-9341-6.
  63. ↑ Juliana Geran Pilon (1992). The Bloody Flag. Post-Communist Nationalism in Eastern Europe. Spotlight on Romania. New Brunswick & London: Transaction Publishers. p. 59. ISBN 1-56000-620-X.
  64. ↑ Moradiellos, Enrique (2017). Franco: Anatomy of a Dictator. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-78672-300-0.
  65. ↑ Saz, Ismael (2004). Fascismo y Franquismo (in Spanish). València: Universitat de València. ISBN 978-84-370-5910-5.[page needed]
  66. ↑ Sangster, Andrew (2018). Probing the Enigma of Franco. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. ISBN 978-1-5275-2014-1.[page needed]
  67. ↑ Fascism: Theory and Practice. Pluto Press. 20 April 1999. ISBN 978-0-7453-1470-9.
  68. ↑ Preston, Paul (2005) [1990]. "Resisting modernity: fascism and the military in twentieth century Spain". The Politics of Revenge: Fascism and the Military in Twentieth-Century Spain. Routledge. ISBN 0415120004.
  69. ↑ Press, Propaganda and Politics: Cultural Periodicals in Francoist Spain and Communist Romania. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 2014. pp. 4–5. ISBN 9781443865678.
  70. ↑ Casanova, Julián (2010). The Spanish Republic and Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780511787027. OCLC 659843319.
  71. ↑ Fascist Warfare, 1922–1945: Aggression, Occupation, Annihilation. Springer International Publishing. 2019. p. 12. ISBN 9783030276485.
  72. ↑ Lorenz, David Alegre (2023). "The New Fascist Man in the 1930s Spain". In Dagnino, Jorge; Feldman, Matthew; Stocker, Paul (eds.). The "New Man" in Radical Right Ideology and Practice, 1919-45. Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 215–230. ISBN 9781474281119. That would be the narrative around which the new national community and the Francoist state were constructed, and it would also mark in an indelible form, the new fascist man in Spain as a Christian knight. [...] Accordingly, this modern, Spanish version of the Crusading knight would be visibly guided by a combative conception of Christianity... that understood the civil war as a kind of purifying bonfire one whereby an individual and collective rebirth would take place...
  73. ↑ "The Extreme Right in Spain – Surviving in the Shadow of Franco" (PDF). core.ac.uk. Hedda Samdahl Weltz. 2014.
  74. 1 2 Blamires, Cyprian (18 September 2006). World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia [2 Volumes]. Santa Barbara, California: Bloomsbury Academic, ABC-CLIO. pp. 219–220. ISBN 978-1-57607-940-9 – via Internet Archive.
  75. ↑ Blinkhorn, Martin (1990). Fascists and Conservatives: The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth-century Europe. Oxon, England: Routledge, Psychology Press. p. 10. ISBN 978-0-04-940087-0.
  76. ↑ Payne 1999, pp. 77–102.
  77. ↑ Blinkhorn 2000, p. 86.
  78. 1 2 Payne 1995, p. 325.
  79. ↑ Connelly, John (2022). From Peoples Into Nations: A History of Eastern Europe. Princeton University Press. pp. 426–427. ISBN 9780691208954.
  80. ↑ Bernhard, Patrick (11 October 2013). "Borrowing from Mussolini: Nazi Germany's Colonial Aspirations in the Shadow of Italian Expansionism". The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History. 41 (4): 617–643. doi:10.1080/03086534.2013.836358. S2CID 159508872.
  81. ↑ Jay Taylor, ed. (15 April 2009). The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China, With a New Postscript. Harvard University Press. p. 104. ISBN 9780674033382. The Blue Shirts hated the fascist Japanese and were fiercely anti-imperialist—as, understandably, were most Chinese.
  82. ↑ Dooeum Chung, ed. (1 January 2000). Élitist Fascism: Chiang Kaishek's Blueshirts in 1930s China. Ashgate. ISBN 9780754611660.
  83. ↑ Crean, Jeffrey (2024). The Fear of Chinese Power: an International History. New Approaches to International History series. London, UK: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-350-23394-2.
  84. ↑ Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul (2006). World Fascism: A-K. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 9781576079409.
  85. 1 2 Guido Samarani, ed. (2005). Shaping the Future of Asia: Chiang Kai-shek, Nehru and China-India Relations During the Second World War Period. Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University. ISBN 9789197572606.
  86. ↑ Wakeman, Frederic, Jr. (1997). “A Revisionist View of the Nanjing Decade: Confucian Fascism.
  87. 1 2 Taylor, Jay (2009). The Generalissimo. Harvard University Press. pp. 102–103. ISBN 9780674054714.
  88. ↑ Xunhou Peng, ed. (2005). China in the World Anti-fascist War. China Intercontiental Press. p. 157. ISBN 9787508507002. Chiang Kai-shek, as the commander of the Chinese front and leader of the anti-fascist fight in the Orient
  89. ↑ Orwell, George (1944). "What is Fascism?". Retrieved 17 February 2017.
  90. ↑ Chan, Melissa (31 January 2022). "China isn't just 'authoritarian' any more. It's scarier". Washington Post. Retrieved 22 November 2025.
  91. ↑ Beckley, Michael (6 December 2024). "China's Turn to Fascist Rule". The Globalist. Retrieved 22 November 2025.
  92. ↑ Weeks, John (19 June 2014). "Is China a fascist state?". openDemocracy. Retrieved 9 December 2025.
  93. ↑ Luce, Edward (20 September 2019). "The fraught debate about the nature of China". Financial Times. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  94. ↑ Tatlow, Didi Kirsten (31 October 2012). "Can China Be Described as 'Fascist'?". The New York Times. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  95. ↑ Witt, Michael A.; Redding, Gordon (December 2013). "China: Authoritarian Capitalism". The Oxford Handbook of Asian Business Systems. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199654925.001.0001. ISBN 9780199654925.
  96. ↑ Zi, Yang (6 July 2016). "Xi Jinping and China's Traditionalist Restoration". The Jamestown Foundation. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  97. ↑ Cai, Jane (12 June 2023). "How China's Xi Jinping promotes mix of Marxism and traditional culture to further Communist Party and 'Chinese dream'". South China Morning Post. Archived from the original on 12 June 2023. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  98. ↑ "Xi Jinping's War on Popular Culture". 3 December 2021. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  99. ↑ "Xi Jinping Thought Explained: A New Ideology for a New Era?". www.nytimes.com. 18 February 2018. Retrieved 30 November 2025.
  100. ↑ 改革派（窓・論説委員室から）. 朝日新聞・夕刊. January 26, 1993. "中国のばあい、改革派は市場経済移行を説き、保守派はマルクス主義や統制にこだわる。つまり、保守派が左傾しているのだ。香港の雑誌で「保守左派」という言葉も見た。一部の専門家は、このまぎらわしさをきらって、保守派を守旧派と言い換えている。"
  101. ↑ Boaz, David (5 May 2015). "Left and Right in China". Cato Institute.
  102. ↑ Adam LeBor; Roger Boyes (2000). Surviving Hitler: Choices, Corruption and Compromise in the Third Reich. Simon & Schuster. p. 292. ISBN 9780684858111. The German youth section of the Revisionists, known as 'Betar', advised its members to treat any Nazis they encountered with politeness and reserve. Betar members were allowed to wear their uniforms, which included brown shirts, and publish mimeographed pamphlets, notes the Israeli historian Tom Segev, 'in a nationalistic, para-Fascist tone, in the spirit of the times'. In Austria, after the March 1938 Anschluss, Betar delivered a memo to the Gestapo offering to organize mass emigration of the remaining Jews. Betar and other Jewish leaders – met with Adolf Eichmann and were allowed to maintain an emigration office . On occasion the Nazis protected Betar . When some SS soldiers attacked a German Betar summer camp its head complained to the Gestapo, who later informed him that the SS soldiers had been disciplined. Left wing Jews, and many others, dismissed Betar as 'Jewish fascists'.
  103. ↑ Schoenman, Ralph (1988). The Hidden History of Zionism (PDF). Veritas Press. p. 48. ISBN 9780929675015 – via Internet Archive. Mussolini set up squadrons of the Revisionist Zionist youth movement, Betar, in black shirts in emulation of his own Fascist bands. When Menachem Begin became chief of Betar, he preferred the brown shirts of the Hitler gangs [...]
  104. ↑ Smith, Charles D. (2004). Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin's. p. 115. ISBN 0-312-40408-5. [Jabotinsky] formed youth groups (Betar) whose practices, patterned after the tactics and symbols of fascism, included wearing brown shirts and using special salutes.
  105. ↑ Nechin, Etan (21 February 2025). "'Embraces Islamophobia, Harasses Muslims': ADL Lists Far-right Betar USA as Hate Group". Haaretz.
  106. ↑ "Betar: Who is the far-right Jewish-American group calling for 'blood in Gaza?'". Middle East Eye. 27 February 2025. Retrieved 27 February 2025.
  107. ↑ "ADL adds right-wing Zionist group Betar to extremism database". The Jerusalem Post. 25 February 2025. ISSN 0792-822X. Retrieved 29 June 2025.
  108. ↑ Andrew Rippin; Tareq Y. Ismael, eds. (29 June 2010). Islam in the Eyes of the West: Images and Realities in an Age of Terror. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781136990182. Moreover, whatever the intentions of Obama and his Envoy, Mitchell, any plan for a 'two-state solution' - or any other peaceful settlement - is severely limited by the political climate that has emerged in Israel. Parliamentary elections in February 2009 resulted in a virtual tie between the right-wing Likud and the nominally 'centrist' Kadima, with the quasi-fascist party of Avigdor Lieberman, Yisrael Beiteinu [ Israel is Our Home ], emerging as kingmaker.
  109. 1 2 "fascism". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 20 April 2025.
  110. ↑ 丸山眞男「日本ファシズムの思想と運動」（丸山眞男著 『［新装版］ 現代政治の思想と行動』 未来社 2006年 所収 32ページ）
  111. ↑ Werner Gruhl (2007). Imperial Japan's World War Two, 1931–1945. Transaction Publishers. pp. 19, 143.
  112. ↑ Rudolph J. Rummel (1997). "Statistics of Japanese Democide". Statistics of Democide: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900. LIT Verlag.
  113. ↑ Dower, John W. (1986). War Without Mercy: Race And Power In The Pacific War. Pantheon. p. 295.
  114. ↑ Blumenthal, Ralph (7 March 1999). "The World: Revisiting World War II Atrocities; Comparing the Unspeakable to the Unthinkable". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 21 March 2011. Retrieved 26 July 2008.
  115. ↑ Kang, K. Connie (4 August 1995). "Breaking Silence: Exhibit on "Forgotten Holocaust" Focuses on Japanese War Crimes". Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 19 January 2022. Retrieved 19 October 2023.
  116. ↑ Rigg, Bryan Mark (2024). Japan's Holocaust: History of Imperial Japan's Mass Murder and Rape During World War II. Knox Press. pp. 13–14, 282, 294. ISBN 9781637586884.
  117. ↑ Outhwaite, William, ed. (15 April 2008). The Blackwell Dictionary of Modern Social Thought. Brill. p. 232. ISBN 9780470999011 – via Internet Archive.
  118. 1 2 The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge. 16 August 2005. ISBN 978-1-134-60952-9.
  119. ↑ Sanitized Sex: Regulating Prostitution, Venereal Disease, and Intimacy in Occupied Japan, 1945-1952. University of California Press. 26 September 2017. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-520-96869-1.
  120. ↑ Colonial Taiwan: Negotiating Identities and Modernity Through Literature. Brill. 3 April 2017. p. 33. ISBN 978-90-04-34450-1.
  121. ↑ Howard J. Wiarda (2013). On the Boundaries: When International Relations, Comparative Politics, and Foreign Policy Meet. p. 188. ISBN 9780761862178.
  122. ↑ Gavin O'Toole (2014). Politics Latin America. p. 37. ISBN 9781317861959.
  123. ↑ Howard J Wiarda (2016). Corporatism and Comparative Politics: The Other Great "Ism". p. 42. ISBN 9781315481036.
  124. ↑ Kenneth J. Grieb (1978). "The Myth of a Central American Dictators' League". Journal of Latin American Studies. 10 (2): 331–332. JSTOR 156032.
  125. ↑ Max Paul Friedman (2003). Nazis and Good Neighbors: The United States Campaign Against the Germans of Latin America in World War II. Cambridge University Press. pp. 82–83. ISBN 9780521822466.
  126. ↑ Griffin 1993, p. 148.
  127. ↑ Griffin 1993, pp. 151–152.
  128. ↑ Finchelstein, Federico (April 2014). "Peronist Populism and Fascism". The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina. Oxford University Press. pp. 65–71. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199930241.003.0004. ISBN 9780199930241. Retrieved 13 November 2023.
  129. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 61. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  130. 1 2 Paul H. Lewis (1980). "Was Perón a Fascist? An Inquiry into the Nature of Fascism". The Journal of Politics. 42 (1): 242–243, 256. doi:10.2307/2130025. JSTOR 2130025.
  131. ↑ Munck, Ronaldo; Falcón, Ricardo [in Spanish]; Galitelli, Bernardo (1987). Argentina: From Anarchism to Peronism: Workers, Unions and Politics, 1855-1985. Zed Books. p. 121. ISBN 9780862325701.
  132. ↑ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (1 January 2019). Towards a nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalist and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933–1939): nationalists – national radicals – national socialists. Katowice: University of Silesia Publishing House. ISBN 9788322633571.
  133. ↑ Šulcs, Uģis (2002). "Pērkonkrusts". Historia.lv. Archived from the original on 5 March 2006. Retrieved 16 May 2026. Pērkonkrusta struktūrā bija pārņemti daudzi vācu nacionālsociālistu un itāļu fašistu organizāciju elementi.
  134. ↑ Young, Louise (2017). "When fascism met empire in Japanese-occupied Manchuria" (PDF). Journal of Global History. 12 (2): 278–279. Maruyama's theory of fascism is captured in the memorable turns of phrase 'fascism from below' and 'fascism from above'. The first refers to the wave of political violence between 1931 and the attempted coup of 1936 orchestrated by young officers and the radical right, the latter to the adoption of a series of policies modelled on National Socialism in the late 1930s, a policy shift engineered by establishment insiders in the wartime leadership.
  135. ↑ Military Review. Command and General Staff School. 1986. p. 47.

Bibliography

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Further reading

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  • El-Ojeili, Chamsy. "Reflecting on post-fascism: Utopia and fear." Critical sociology 45.7-8 (2019): 1149–1166.
  • Griffin, Roger, and Rita Almeida de Carvalho. "Editorial Introduction: Architectural Projections of a ‘New Order’ in Fascist and Para-Fascist Interwar Dictatorships." Fascism 7.2 (2018): 133-140. online
  • Kallis, Aristotle A. "Fascism', 'Para-Fascism' and 'Fascistization': On the Similarities of Three Conceptual Categories." European History Quarterly 33.2 (2003): 219-249. online
  • Kallis, Aristotle. "Working Across Bounded Entities: Fascism,‘Para-Fascism’, and Ideational Mobilities in Interwar Europe." in Beyond the Fascist Century: Essays in Honour of Roger Griffin (2020): 73-99. online
  • Newman, John Paul. "War Veterans, Fascism, and Para-Fascist Departures in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1918–1941." Fascism 6.1 (2017): 42-74. online
  • Pinto, António Costa, and Aristotle Kallis, eds. Rethinking fascism and dictatorship in Europe (Springer, 2014) online
  • Tamás, Gáspár Miklós. "On post-fascism." East European Constitutional Review 9 (2000): 48+ online.
  • Trajano Filho, Francisco Sales. "The Many Faces of a Para-Fascist Culture: Architecture, Politics and Power in Vargas’ Regime (1930–1945)." Fascism 7.2 (2018): 175–212. online
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